On Wednesday the South African Zionist Federation hosted a riveting debate on peace in the Middle East entitled “Waiting for Godot”.
The title itself is particularly interesting. It is taken from the renowned Samuel Beckett play in which two protagonists endlessly wait for someone that will never arrive. You sense that they realise that Godot will never come, yet you feel their futility for they can do nothing else but wait.
I attended this illuminating debate. It was mediated by Radio 702’s David O’ Sullivan. The panel allowed for a diverse array of views. Representing the “right of centre” view was Rabbi Goldman from Sydenham Shul and Freda Keet – a popular Israeli newscaster and reporter. Representing the “left of centre” viewpoint was Benjamin Pogrund – anti apartheid activist and former deputy editor of the Rand Daily Mail in South Africa, and Prof. Hussein Solomon. Prof Hussein Solomon is an Associate Professor in the Department of Political Sciences, the Director of the Centre for International Political Studies, and Head of the Unit for African Studies, Centre for International Political Studies at the University of Pretoria. Prof Solomon is an expert in religious fundamentalism and conflict resolution in Africa.
The event was well supported with over 300 people in attendance. Jews getting together to discuss sensitive and emotional issues in a forum where diverse opinions are shared is a positive sign. It's a sign which renders the Mail & Guardian's constant criticism of the "reactionary South African Zionist Jews" baseless. I can only hope that the same sort of balanced, open, and honest discussions are taking place in the South African Muslim community.
The following is what I took from the debate. It’s not meant to be an exact summary of the essence of what each speaker said, just the points that caught my attention.
Benjamin Pogrund
Pogrund, who founded the Yakar centre for social concern in Jerusalem, described the rational left wing Israeli take on the prospects for peace. Pogrund affirmed the necessity of Israel remaining a Jewish state, and advocated the two state solution as the only workable approach. The Israelis need to end the occupation, and must hurdle forward with the diplomatic process irrespective of any acts of terror. The cessation of all terror must not be a necessary condition imposed by the Israelis for further progress.
Pogrund spoke of the damaging effect the occupation has had on Israeli society, linking the level of corruption in Israel to the occupation. I considered this link very unfair (see here for why).
Pogrund is heavily involved in cross communication efforts between Israelis and Palestinians and bemoaned how extremely difficult it has become since the second Intifada for Israelis to enter the West Bank for these discussions. The IDF prevents Israelis from entering the West Bank due to the frequent attacks perpetrated against Israelis in that area.
Few people are better placed than Pogrund to discuss possible similarities between Israel and Apartheid South Africa – Pogrund categorically refutes any comparison between the two. Calling Israel an apartheid state minimises what took place in South Africa, reducing apartheid to just another swear word.
One of the key differences highlighted between the ANC and the terrorist Palestinian groups was that the 1961 ANC decision to take up armed resistance did not include attacks against civilians as part of the doctrine. This allowed for an atmosphere where whites did not have to fear being driven into the sea. Conversely the Palestinians have deliberately targeted unarmed Israeli civilians instilling a permanent psychological fear in Israelis. This makes it much more difficult for Israel to accept territorial concessions without receiving something in return – hence the opposition to the Gaza disengagement plan.
Freda Keet
Keet spoke powerfully and eloquently about life in middle Israel. I don’t consider Keet to be right wing, but her opposition to the disengagement plan (she didn’t actually state this but alluded to it) means that she could represent the views of those right of centre. Keet does not believe that the time is right for territorial concessions or negotiations with the Palestinians. Her opinion stems from the continued incitement within the Palestinian education system coupled with the reprehensible incitement in Palestinian media. Imams still preach for the destruction of the Jews and this prevents an environment of tolerance and compromise.
Keet spoke proudly about the success that Israel is today. Keet countered Pogrunds analysis - at this point in time Keet does not view the PA, an organisation with a history of utilising violence and terror to achieve its goals, as a suitable negotiation partner. The appointment of many leading terrorists from the Al Aksa Martyrs Brigades into the PA police force reinforces this viewpoint. She opined that though acting aggressively in self defence, we must remember that Israel is not the aggressor.
Keet thinks it is too soon for negotiations, advocating an extended period of quiet as the next goal to seek. To this end, Keet believes that the Israelis and Palestinians eventually need to negotiate a just divorce.
Keet pressed for us to understand that the conflict is vastly complex and complicated – there are vast chasms that must be crossed and both sides need time out from each other. Both sides are bruised and bleeding and need a break. The Palestinian society has been mauled by the violence from the past years and needs time out to rebuild. Israel needs a time out to recover from the past years of violence.
Keet acknowledged the suffering that the occupation causes –“They live terrible lives and we are partly responsible, but we know why we are responsible.” She also expressed a yearning for Israel to be paid the credit it deserves for initiating the Oslo peace process in 1993.
Hussein Solomon
Hussein Solomon spoke about the unnecessary polarisation of discourse. Solomon spoke out against stereotyping and the unnecessary existence of the enmity between the two communities. Solomon said that it is not just the Jews that are guilty of this – he has met numerous Muslims who are rational on all issues except when it comes to Jews and Israel.
Solomon’s 20 minutes were the most thought provoking. He stressed the importance of discovering creative "lateral thinking style" solutions. An example of this is the packaging of demands – the dismantling of the militant (his word not mine) organisations must not be viewed by the Palestinians as an external diktat imposed upon the Palestinians by Israel; rather it must be viewed as a founding principle of a Palestinian state.
Speaking about the problems in the conflict Solomon highlighted the disturbances caused from too many third parties and external agendas. I would have liked to ask him if he considers the involvement of the Europeans as one of these unnecessary third parties – something I would tend to agree with. Another problem highlighted is the infighting within the Palestinian ranks, caused by Arafat’s strategy of maintaining power by facing the various security factions off against one another.
Solomon gave open support to the two state solution but disagrees with Freda Keet on the need for a time out. He wants Israel to come to the table and believes that territorial concessions by Israel are necessary to ignite change.
In ending Solomon spoke of the great irony that it is Sharon, the father of the settlement movement, and Abbas, the man who wrote a thesis denying the Holocaust, that people today look toward for peace. This is a source of great pride to me – the way many Israelis have moved from warrior, to statesmen, to seeker of peace… or at least separation.
Rabbi Goldman
Rabbi Goldman began by describing himself as pro peace and pro Israel. He continued that there is no reason for us to apologise for the existence of Israel – we have every right to live in Israel, to live there in safety and security.
Rabbi Goldman opposes the Gaza disengagement plan but does not oppose the notion of land for peace. Goldman would accept territorial concessions if there were guarantees of peace. Goldman wants the Palestinians to fulfil their obligations (cessation of violence) before Israel makes territorial compromises.
Goldman cited Moshe Yaalon’s (the immediate past IDF Chief of Staff) opinion on disengagement. Yaalon believes that the disengagement will jeopardise the security of Israel and will provide the platform for a future war. Yaalon has warned of an immediate increase in terrorist attacks following the disengagement. Goldman used this to show that these are not just the tirades of religious Rabbis.
Benjamin Pogrund countered this by giving some background on Moshe Yaalon. Most IDF Chief’s of Staff are offered an extra year of service, but Yaalon was not offered this extra year. He may therefore resent the current government and this may have coloured his negative views on disengagement.
Whilst supporting the work of people of moderation on both sides Goldman said that he sees a reality in which the percentage of moderate Palestinians, willing to accept the existence and legitimacy of Israel as a neighbour on the block, is a very small minority.
Goldman prays for a day when the two neighbours will live together side by side in peace, but until then Israel must adopt a policy of peace through strength.
Ending on a sombre and somewhat depressing note, Goldman described the battle in Israel today as a battle between those who have lost hope and those who have not lost hope.
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For me the “man of the match” was Hussein Solomon, simply for the creative and neutral approach he adopted. He seems to understand the psychology of both sides of the conflict and realises the need for creative lateral thinking to break the current impasse. I didn’t necessarily agree with everything he had to say, but the point of a debate is to listen to and at least consider alternative opinions. That said, all speakers showed great respect for one another and truly understand the unbearable complexity of the conflict.
Update
My assumption that Freda Keet opposes the disengagment plan was incorrect. After personally asking her whether she supports the plan, I learned that she is firmly behind Sharon's disengagement plan. Apologies for misrepresenting Freda.
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